Burundi- The Next Rwanda?

By Adithya Sivakumar

        In 1994, the world stood by in shock as a purported 800,000 members of the Rwandan nation were killed in the span of two months as the result of ethnic tensions between the majority Hutu and minority Tutsi populations; the majority of those killed were Tutsis and moderate Hutus. This slaughter provoked not only civil war and an eventual Tutsi-led government, but also conflict in neighboring nations, such as the Democratic Republic of the Congo. As Rwanda recovered from the brutal state-sponsored massacre, the international community at-large appeared to be resolved to prevent another large-scale tragedy, one that saw United Nations soldiers become useless in face of the massacre.

        In neighboring Burundi, however, recent events are harkening to those that occurred more than twenty years ago, provoking fresh fears of an ethnic conflict and possible genocide.

        The crisis was instigated by President Pierre Nkurunziza’s desire to seek a third term for office, which caused massive protests and clashes, along with a failed coup-d’état that provoked an even larger crackdown on the people of Burundi. In total, at least 439 have died, with more than 240,000 people fleeing the country, a crisis that has largely been overshadowed by crises and political instability elsewhere in the world. However, world leaders are keeping a close eye on the situation in Burundi, especially as government leaders throw terms that allude to rhetoric used during the Rwandan Genocide, such as telling security forces to go “work,” an euphemism that was used to describe the massacre of civilians in Rwanda.

Reasons for Concern

        Burundi is no stranger to ethnic and political conflict, as a twelve-year civil war between rebel Hutus and a Tutsi-led army killed about 300,000 people years ago. Additionally, Burundi and Rwanda have approximately the same ethnic makeup, which hovers around 85% in the Hutu majority and 15% in the Tutsi minority, causing further concern among international observers. The violence in Burundi appears to systematically target Tutsi individuals, which has led to even further worries due to parallels with the Rwandan Genocide.

        The roots of this ethnic conflict can be traced back to historical differences between Tutsi and Hutu populations, but these differences were exacerbated in the Belgian colonial period. Believing to Tutsi to be superior to the Hutu, the Belgians produced identity cards to distinguish the two groups, causing resentment from the Hutu who saw Tutsi generally be granted higher positions in government. This resentment fed the overthrow of the Tutsi-led Rwandan government at the end of Belgian rule, and laid the basis for Hutu-Tutsi tensions to this day.

        Another interesting aspect of the crisis is the level of international involvement in procuring a peace deal. As mentioned before, the community may be atoning for its large amount of inaction surrounding the Rwandan genocide, which is largely deemed a failure by the international community. Despite informants detailing to international bodies that genocide was about to occur, various governments and the United Nations ignored these warnings and were quite unprepared to handle the ensuing massacre. The United States, particularly, was especially wary of contributing forces to an international peacekeeping force due to the killing of American forces assigned to a humanitarian mission in Somalia just a year previously. Foreign governments focused on evacuating their own citizens and largely ignored the crisis afterwards, causing the plight of Rwandans to be ignored and the reduction of UNAMIR (UN Assistance Mission of Rwanda) peacekeeping force to drastically small numbers, making intervention nearly impossible.

The Plan for the Future

        In order to prevent another large-scale international debacle, governments around the world as well as the UN have made significant strides in Burundi to attempt to find a peace agreement. The UN Security Council has even made the trip twice to Burundi in the last ten months in order to foment a peace agreement. In stark contrast to the situation in Rwanda two decades prior, there is large agreement, even though the United States, that peacekeeping forces need to be sent to Burundi, even with the opposition of the incumbent government.

        With all eyes on Burundi, the good news appears to be that international action is likely in the face of future genocidal actions perpetrated by Nkurunziza’s government. Despite assurances that law-and-order may resurface, there are many that are very skeptical of a peaceful resolution, especially given the region’s turbulent history. The failed coup may have given Nkurunziza a blank check to commit atrocities in the lieu of capturing traitors, a frightening parallel to the shooting down of a plane that killed the Rwandan and Burundian presidents and gave the Rwandan government a loose justification on which to base their genocide. It is extremely essential that international bodies, such as the UN and African Union, and foreign governments to broker peace in a volatile setting fostered by colonialism and international inaction.

Burundi- The Next Rwanda?

        In 1994, the world stood by in shock as a purported 800,000 members of the Rwandan nation were killed in the span of two months as the result of ethnic tensions between the majority Hutu and minority Tutsi populations; the majority of those killed were Tutsis and moderate Hutus. This slaughter provoked not only civil war and an eventual Tutsi-led government, but also conflict in neighboring nations, such as the Democratic Republic of the Congo. As Rwanda recovered from the brutal state-sponsored massacre, the international community at-large appeared to be resolved to prevent another large-scale tragedy, one that saw United Nations soldiers become useless in face of the massacre.

        In neighboring Burundi, however, recent events are harkening to those that occurred more than twenty years ago, provoking fresh fears of an ethnic conflict and possible genocide.

        The crisis was instigated by President Pierre Nkurunziza’s desire to seek a third term for office, which caused massive protests and clashes, along with a failed coup-d’état that provoked an even larger crackdown on the people of Burundi. In total, at least 439 have died, with more than 240,000 people fleeing the country, a crisis that has largely been overshadowed by crises and political instability elsewhere in the world. However, world leaders are keeping a close eye on the situation in Burundi, especially as government leaders throw terms that allude to rhetoric used during the Rwandan Genocide, such as telling security forces to go “work,” an euphemism that was used to describe the massacre of civilians in Rwanda.

Reasons for Concern

        Burundi is no stranger to ethnic and political conflict, as a twelve-year civil war between rebel Hutus and a Tutsi-led army killed about 300,000 people. Additionally, Burundi and Rwanda have approximately the same ethnic makeup, which hovers around 85% in the Hutu majority and 15% in the Tutsi minority, causing further concern among international observers. The violence in Burundi appears to systematically target Tutsi individuals, which has led to even further worries due to parallels with the Rwandan Genocide.

        The roots of this ethnic conflict can be traced back to historical differences between Tutsi and Hutu populations, but these differences were exacerbated in the Belgian colonial period. Believing to Tutsi to be superior to the Hutu, the Belgians produced identity cards to distinguish the two groups, causing resentment from the Hutu who saw Tutsi generally be granted higher positions in government. This resentment fed the overthrow of the Tutsi-led Rwandan government at the end of Belgian rule, and laid the basis for Hutu-Tutsi tensions to this day.

        Another interesting aspect of the crisis is the level of international involvement in procuring a peace deal. As mentioned before, the community may be atoning for its large amount of inaction surrounding the Rwandan genocide, which is largely deemed a failure by the international community. Despite informants detailing to international bodies that genocide was about to occur, various governments and the United Nations ignored these warnings and were quite unprepared to handle the ensuing massacre. The United States, particularly, was especially wary of contributing forces to an international peacekeeping force due to the killing of American forces assigned to a humanitarian mission in Somalia just a year previously. Foreign governments focused on evacuating their own citizens and largely ignored the crisis afterwards, causing the plight of Rwandans to be ignored and the reduction of UNAMIR (UN Assistance Mission of Rwanda) peacekeeping force to drastically small numbers, making intervention nearly impossible. With a history of inaction that seems to be replaying in the current situation, many international observers have expressed concern.

The Plan for the Future

        In order to prevent another large-scale international debacle, governments around the world as well as the UN have made significant strides in Burundi to attempt to find a peace agreement. The UN Security Council has even made the trip twice to Burundi in the last ten months in order to foment a peace agreement. In stark contrast to the situation in Rwanda two decades prior, there is large agreement, even through the United States, that peacekeeping forces need to be sent to Burundi, even with the opposition of the incumbent government.

        With all eyes on Burundi, the good news appears to be that international action is likely in the face of future genocidal actions perpetrated by Nkurunziza’s government. Despite assurances that law-and-order may resurface, there are many that are very skeptical of a peaceful resolution, especially given the region’s turbulent history. The failed coup may have given Nkurunziza a blank check to commit atrocities in the lieu of capturing traitors, a frightening parallel to the shooting down of a plane that killed the Rwandan and Burundian presidents and gave the Rwandan government a loose justification on which to base their genocide. It is extremely essential that international bodies, such as the UN and African Union, and foreign governments to broker peace in a volatile setting fostered by colonialism and international inaction.

 

The Battle for Burundi

By Javan Latson

 

Twenty-one years ago, the world watched in horror as hundreds of thousands of Rwandans died over the span of about 100 days. This tremendous event showed the world what could happen when the international community waits too late to act. Now, years after the events of Rwanda we see another potentially gruesome conflict brewing in the neighboring nation of Rwanda. Will the international community not intervene as they did back then, or will they act now in order to stop a political uprising from becoming a destructive civil war?

Even with today’s heavy media attention on the Middle East, the conflict in Burundi is relatively uncovered. This landlocked East African nation is one of the poorest countries on earth, with a population of around 11 million, and a per capita GDP of $900. After a 12-year civil war, which resulted in the deaths of 300,000 people, the country has enjoyed a relative sense of peace. This is not the case now, as this small nation is on the verge of another civil war.

Tensions arose in April when President Pierre Nkurunziza announced that he was running for a third term. This caused the citizens of Burundi to protest what they viewed as unconstitutional and a violation of democracy that was guaranteed in the Arusha Agreement, which only allows two terms in office. Despite opposition from the people, members of the Burundian Constitutional Court were coerced by the government to rule that Nkurunziza could indeed run for reelection under the fear of death. Dissatisfied with the ruling, more than 500 protesters rallied in the suburb of Musaga to voice their opinions regarding the presidential campaign. In the month of May, following protests and demonstrations calling for Nkurunziza’s resignation, a group of military officers attempted a coup in order to depose the president, which failed miserably.

 Despite a lack of popular support, and calls by foreign leaders to concede power, President Nkurunziza won a third term in office with a whopping 73 percent of the vote. US Secretary of State John Kerry called the elections, “a deeply flawed electoral process marked by violence and a disregard for the civil and human rights of the citizens of Burundi”.  In spite of the added foreign pressure, the President shows no signs of budging, and the harsh words of the international community have not been enough to sway him into respecting the Arusha Agreement.

The country has descended into lawlessness as renegade groups such as the Imbonerakure terrorize civilians. The Imbonerakure is a non-governmental youth militia that operates under the implicit approval of Nkurunziza’s CNDD-FDD (National Council for the Defense of Democracy—Forces for the Defense of Democracy) party. They act as an extension of governmental power, to force people to accept the president’s third term and to quell opposition. The group, which is predominantly Hutu, (the majority ethnic group in Burundi) has been accused of surrounding a Tutsi (a minority ethnic group) refugee camp on May 15th and threatening to kill refugees. They also face accusations of making unlawful arrests, handing people over to intelligence agents, torture, and beating civilians. The increasing hostility towards the country’s minorities from Imbonerakure has caused many to flee the country.

Over the past few weeks, police and military crackdowns against protesters and opposition groups have expanded. On December 11th 87 rebels were killed in the capital city of Bujumbura during an attack against military bases in the area. Col. Gaspard Baratuza of the Burundian military said that the attack was an attempt to stock up on weapons and ammunition and that “The army has defeated them seriously”. Following the attack there were reports of bodies (mainly of young civilians) found on the streets of residential neighborhoods in what appeared to be an act of retaliation against areas suspected of harboring rebels. Many of the bodies had bullet wounds in the head, and one was found tied up with eyewitnesses saying that the victims were pulled out their homes and executed by police.  The crackdown has created a state of tension in the country and has been condemned by international human rights watches.

Fed up with the abuse of power by the government, extrajudicial killings, and human rights violations, citizens have formed an organization to topple President Nkurunziza.  These rebels united to form a resistance called Forebu (Les Forces Republicaines du Burundi). The group’s goal, as stated by colonel turned rebel Edward Nshimirimana, is to “drive out Nkurunziza by force and restore the Arusha accord and democracy”. The government can no longer deny the existence of uniformed rebellion or even widespread dissatisfaction in the country.  During this period of civil unrest, the government claimed the constant firefights were the results of individual criminals and insurgents. Forebu is a physical manifestation of the sentiments of the Burundian people and refutes the government’s idea that there is not a unified uprising-taking place in the country. With a public face, the rebel movement has a greater chance at a full-blown war than as a political uprising.

The ongoing violence in Burundi has concerned many nations including the US. The State Department issued a travel warning in December 2015 recommending that all US citizens evacuate the country.  The African Union even offered to send in peacekeepers to quell the violence, but the Burundian government refused, claiming that they will attack any AU troop that sets foot in the country without permission. Burundi is a sovereign nation and has the right to determine whether or not foreign soldiers are allowed within its borders, leaving the African community in a quagmire. Following Nkrunziza’s decision to seek a third term in April, more than 200,000 people have fled the country with more than half of them being 17 years old or younger. Many of these refugees have fled to Tanzania, Rwanda, Uganda, and the Democratic Republic of Congo, which are developing nations faced with significant internal problems of their own.  Some of these refugee camps, like Nyargusu in Tanzania, which has 150,000 people, are extremely overcrowded and lack the resources to take care of such a large population as a result. There are reports of Burundians in Rwandan refugee camps being forcibly recruited by military groups such as the National Forces of Liberation rebels and the Imbograburundi. These groups train them, and send them back to Burundi via the Democratic Republic of Congo to fight against the government in a blatant violation of UNHCR regulations.  

The possibility of another devastating war, along with an escalating refugee crisis cannot continue go unnoticed. However, many of the big players at the UN such as Russia, the UK, and the US seem uninterested in the plight of the small African nation. While this may not be genocide per se such as Rwanda or Darfur, the likelihood that this can become a war where thousands are killed and more are displaced is quite high. While some express optimism about the experience that the international community had in ending East African conflicts such as the recent Kivu Conflict in the Congo, others are justifiably pessimistic about the international response, given the world’s history of inaction towards African genocides.

Massacre in Zaria Sparks Tensions

By Issie Sargraves

Stories of violence by ISIS and its affiliates are splashed across the international media, demonizing Islamic movements around the world and painting them as radical and violent. This, however, results in the media ignoring massacres against moderate muslim groups worldwide. One such minimally reported event was the extreme violence against the Islamic Movement in Nigeria (IMN) that occurred in Zaria, Nigeria this December, in which hundreds of civilians were killed and many more were injured when the Nigerian Army fired on the IMN community in retaliation for protests.

 

Ibrahim Zakzaky founded the Islamic Movement in Nigeria (IMN) in the early 1980s. Its creation introduced Shia Islam to Nigeria, although the movement is comprised of both Sunni and Shiite Muslims. It is a nonviolent organization, and therefore is not affiliated with the extremely violent Nigerian group, Boko Haram. The IMN is primarily located in northern Nigeria, with most of its activities taking place in Zaria – the city in which the December 12th massacre took place. Although the organization is non-violent, they champion views Nigeria’s government opposes, and so the Nigerian Army does not agree with them. The IMN’s support for Palestine, opposition to Zionism, and denunciation of Israel are key issues that have motivated their peaceful demonstrations and have caused a rift between them and the government.

 

On December 12, 2015, members of the IMN began to fill the roads of Zaria in a pro-Palestinian protest. However, it is unclear as to what exactly happened, as both the army and the IMN have differing accounts of the day’s events. From the perspective of the army, the massacre was an act of self-defense prompted by violent protesters. The Nigerian Army claimed in a statement, “The sect numbering hundreds carrying dangerous weapons, barricaded the roads with bonfires, heavy stones and tires. They refused all entreaties to disperse and then started firing and pelting the convoy with dangerous objects.” The soldiers were described as having “no choice” in their defense of the convoy. The IMN has a vastly different view of the day: in the IMN press release, the actions of the Army were described as “cold-blooded,” and pointed to the fact that “women and children were not spared.” The IMN also chooses to highlight that “the murdering does not end with the destruction of centers and killing of people at Sunday as the Army are still condoning stop and search at all routes within and outside Zaria identifying the members of the movement and killing in cold blood.”  This killing of innocents and continued deliberate targeting paint the day in a vastly different light, one in which the Army’s killing of civilians was uncalled-for and unjust. What is clear about December 12th is that somewhere between 200 and 1,000 men, women, and children, all members of the IMN, were killed by the Nigerian Army in either an extreme defensive act or a ruthless massacre. In addition, IMN founder Ibrahim Zakzaky has been injured and arrested, and members of his family were killed.

 

In the aftermath of this tragedy, Muhammadu Buhari, the president of Nigeria, has made the controversial decision to wait for the official county investigation report before he continues with any action. This is problematic because the Kaduna State Government is widely known as being a supporter of the Army in the county, and is therefore likely to be biased against the IMN. Because of this, various human rights organizations have called for an impartial investigation into the events in Zaria. M.K. Ibrahim, Amnesty International’s Nigerian director, stated “An impartial investigation is urgently needed into these killings. While the final death toll is unclear, there is no doubt that there has been a substantial loss of life at the hands of the military.” Daniel Bekele, the Executive Director of the African division of Human Rights Watch, openly criticized the Nigerian Army. “It is almost impossible to see how a roadblock by angry young men could justify the killings of hundreds of people,” Bekele said. “At best it was a brutal overreaction and at worst it was a planned attack on the minority Shia group.”

 

This massacre did not occur in a vacuum free from conflict: Nigeria has been experiencing numerous clashes between the government and small Shi’ite independent groups. Boko Haram has influenced governmental policy in Nigeria. The organization, a violent terrorist group linked to ISIS, has been running rampant throughout the nation for a decade. The army has therefore been trained to react quickly and decisively to perceived terror threats. Whether or not the protest in Zaria could have been misconstrued as one such threat is still up for debate; however, the climate is clearly one of violence and retaliation.
The massacre of the IMN at Zaria could have disastrous consequences for Muslim relations in Nigeria. With groups like Boko Haram (and, by extension, ISIS) courting potential recruits, unnecessary and unpunished violence against the IMN could create feelings of alienation among members and could prompt some of these Shiites to join extremist organizations. As Abubakar, president of the Nigerian Supreme Council for Islamic Affairs so aptly said, “The history of the circumstances that engendered the outbreak of militant insurgency in the past, with cataclysmic consequences that Nigeria is yet to recover from, should not be allowed to repeat itself.” What Abubakar is referring to is the re-emergence of Boko Haram as a vastly more violent (and popular) group after security forces attacked their mosque and compound in 2009, killing 900 people. History must not be allowed to repeat itself, especially in the unstable environment in Nigeria. If massacres against non-radical Muslim groups persist, without reaction by the current Nigerian government, it could result in radicalization and polarization in the future.

A Brief Analysis of COP21

By Bella Jones

On November 30th, a total of 195 countries convened for the Paris Climate talks (COP21) to reduce carbon emissions. Its focus was on whether the agreement should be legally binding, how to help developing countries construct low-carbon technology, and how to address long-term climate goals. The success of the deal will depend on wealthy nations, who should provide adequate funding for developing countries to grow sustainable economies and mitigate effects of climate change.

On December 12th, an agreement was reached. Some highlights of the agreement include plans to:

  1. Achieve a long-term goal of limiting global average temperature rise to 1.5 degrees Celsius above pre-industrial levels
  2. Enforce new climate commitments through a transparent framework
  3. Reduce emissions from deforestation and forest degradation and promote forest conservation and sustainable management.   
  4. Mobilize public funds using a variety of strategies to address the climate needs of developing countries
  5. Avert and minimize the adverse effects of climate change on vulnerable populations using public funds

The resulting agreement did not include a measure to implement a carbon tax, a strategy to curb carbon emissions that has already shown much success in 40 countries. President Obama describes it as a more direct policy approach, as  “the most elegant way to drive innovation and reduce emissions.” A likely reason a carbon tax was not implemented is because many governments, especially those in developing nations, determined that carbon taxation would have a crippling effect for economies seeking to industrialize. India, for example, highlighted the need to operationalise the principle of equity and fair distribution of the remaining carbon space. The developing nation never supported domestic carbon emissions cuts but called on developed countries to take greater responsibility in cutting emissions. For instance,  United States, which emitted 12% more of total greenhouse gas emissions than India from 1990-2011, would be called upon to reduce its emissions. India, on the other hand, will seek to invest in green energy while expanding its use of coal in the next 5 years. It plans to do this while reducing the intensity of its carbon dioxide emissions by 33 percent to 35 percent from 2005 levels by 2030, yet not actually reducing the volume of production. The exclusion of a universal carbon tax reflects the principle of common but differentiated responsibility.

The results of the Paris Agreement showed a change in the architecture of the international fight against climate change. Instead of assigning targets and regulations, nations proposed their own plans, or “nationally determined contributions” (NDCs). Nations will be required to update the plans every five years beginning in 2023. The Paris Agreement mobilizes political pressure through transparency and accountability. To ensure compliance, NDCs and its progress will be periodically reviewed in a facilitative dialogue. This model utilizes international pressure, because currently no robust supranational governing body exists that can extend international jurisdiction over national governments to impact global climate change. This year’s Paris Agreement applies a lateral approach, incorporating collective force and pressure to ensure the agreements enaction.

The Paris Agreement’s two-prong approach that mobilize international pressure through transparency and accountability seems promising, but whether or not nations will stick to their respective pledges and effectively appropriate funds will depend on how well they will follow through in the following months and at the next summit.

Overall it is too soon to judge the effectiveness of Paris Agreement, though many aspects of its stipulations are promising for international progress on climate change. The results will unfold in the coming months and the body will reconvene for COP 22 Morocco at the 2016 UN climate summit.

 

 

Religious Targeting Takes A New Turn

By Dawning Welliver

In Bangladesh, Islamic militant groups launched a string of targeted attacks towards secularist writers and Internet bloggers. Though Bangladesh is officially a secular state, 90.4% of the population is Muslim. An internet “hit list”  statement, released in 2014, traced back Islamic militant group the Ansarullah Bangla Team, is threatening the lives of secular freelance bloggers, writers, and activists, accusing them of being “enemies of Islam.” It demands that “Bangladesh revoke the citizenship of these enemies of Islam” and continues to state that “If not, we will hunt them down in whatever part of God’s world we find them and kill them right there.”

Dangerous political and religious tension in 2009 created the tension between secularists and Islamic fundamentalists that would cause the attacks on these bloggers; 2009 was the year that the Crimes Tribunal of Bangladesh was set up in order to investigate war crimes during the War of Independence from Pakistan in 1971.  It was headed by the secular Bangladesh Awami League, one of the two major Bangladeshi political parties. From the beginning of the tribunal, several prominent leaders of the country’s Islamic political party, or Jamaat-e-Islami party were indicted sentenced to life in prison.

Secularists were not satisfied however, and insisted that the party leaders be sentenced to death. As a result, secularists began to protest, calling for the Jamaat-e-Islami party to be banned altogether for its involvement in the 1971 war. These protests were met with counter-demonstrations by Islamic groups, and the situation quickly became violent. The Islamic leaders insisted that secular internet bloggers were atheist and accused them of blasphemy. Islamic extremist groups began targeting bloggers, since blog posts have enabled quick, effective and widespread dissemination of liberal ideas that have harmed Islamists’ religious goals and endeavors.

At least four bloggers on the aforementioned hit list have been gruesomely hacked to death in the past year. Avijit Roy was a Bangladesh-born American, and the author of an online blog entitled “Free Thinking.” In February, he and his wife were attacked on their way back from a book fair in Bangladesh. Roy was hit to death in the head with machetes and knives. In March, Washiqur Rahman, a low-profile writer who criticized “irrational religious beliefs,” was viciously killed right outside his house, by men with meat cleavers and knives. In May, Ananta Bijoy Das, an atheist blogger in support of free expression, was also killed on his way to work by four masked men bearing cleavers and machetes. In August, writer Niloy Neel was hacked to death by six men with machetes in his apartment.  Prior to this hit list and the resulting deaths this year, a different Islamic extremist group called Ansar al Islam Bangladesh published a hit list online. At least 9 of the 84 people mentioned in the hit list were subsequently killed, and many more were attacked.

Unfortunately for Bangladesh, ending the long-standing conflicts of interest between secularist and religious fundamentalists may be a near impossible feat for the moment. Regrettably, this means that free speech, especially secular free speech will continue to come under fire from Islamic extremists who seek to undermine threatening views, furthering the divide between the two groups in Bangladesh.

 

 

Celebrities and Philanthropy

By Soo Min Jeong

What is the similarity among the following people?—Oprah Winfrey, Angelina Jolie, Madonna, and Sir Richard Branson. Not only are they world renowned celebrities, but they also actively utilize their popularity, talents, and media exposure to raise awareness of humanitarian issues. Some participate in philanthropic campaigns, volunteer activities, and directly donate money to non-governmental organizations. Recently, the number of celebrities who demonstrate interest in humanitarian issue has increased. As a result, the Time Magazine coined a new term describing these type of celebrities: “Celanthropist,” the combination of the words “Philanthropist” and “Celebrity.”

Charities seek relationships with celebrities because of their ability to raise public awareness and promote donations. While the most common way of celebrities participate in charity is directly donating money to foundations, celebrities can be spokespersons, board members, or even founders of charities. Angelina Jolie, an Oscar-winning actress, is the best example of celebrity who spends a great deal of time doing extensive humanitarian work. Jolie has not only supported over twenty charities but was also appointed as a UNHCR Goodwill ambassador and founded the Maddox Jolie-Pitt foundation in 2003.

As Jolie’s active role in the promotion of human right issues demonstrates, philanthropic activities of celebrities are prevalent. Even though these celanthropists are often praised for drawing individuals into donations and giving sense of local or global community, they are also harshly criticized by some scholars. Critics argue that celebrities turn charities into “Charitainment,” perverting philanthropy into acts of consumption and leisure. The commercialization of philanthropy separates problems from the real root causes, merely demonstrating the superficial aspect of philanthropy. Therefore, governments only feel the necessity of covering up problems, so they become irresponsible for resolving broader political, cultural, and social causes of human rights issues. Furthermore, some scholars claim that instead of condemning human rights violations by multinational corporations, celanthropy rather promotes the consumption of “good cause.” In short, celanthropy treats capitalism as an answer, not a cause for global problems.

Granted, indiscriminate use of celebrity in philanthropy may taint the true meaning and deceive the general public with oversimplified images of philanthropy. However, it does not mean that celebrities in charities are totally ineffective. According to a study conducted by Baxter and Ilicic, celanthropy indeed promotes positive images of celebrity, charity organization, and even donation intention; it encourages charitable donation. In addition, celebrities further take roles in international policy-making. For example, Midge Ure and Bob Gelof’s Live Aid and Live 8 raised not only millions of dollars for food aid but also caused the G8 to address debt relief, HIV/AIDS, and other humanitarian crises to the global audience. Another case of a celebrity bringing positive outcomes is Pu Cunxin, a Chinese actor, in light of HIV/AIDS awareness projects. Ever since HIV was detected in the mid-1980, the contagious virus has rapidly spread throughout China. However, local governments inadequately implemented policies that are greatly differed from one province to another. Furthermore, the general public was uninformed about transmission and cause of the disease. This vacuum of knowledge sparked panic and fear, and ignorance further led to violent discrimination against HIV positive Chinese. This hostility disappeared when Pu Cunxin started HIV/AIDS activism and advocacy. His activism promoted various awareness projects and made government to produce educational materials, such as pamphlets, articles, and comics. Furthermore, the government used to conduct confidential HIV tests, but his popularity and activism brought the socially concealed disease to light.

Celanthropy may be problematic at times, but it is clear that it  can also have positive outcomes. Because of its effectiveness, a number of non-profit organizations around the world implement philanthropic programs which feature celebrities. One example is “The Philanthropists,” a non-profit organization founded by Korean students. The organization aims to promote strategic and sustainable social development. Every year, the organization hosts “The Philanthropic Concert,” which consists of performances by artists who showcase their talent for free. Through the concert, “The Philanthropists” tries to implement celanthropy and further develop a charitable culture in Korea. All the profit goes to resolve humanitarian problems, and last summer, the organization raised approximately three thousand dollars to help Syrian refugees by providing water purifications tablets.

Celebrities are becoming more active in charities, and media is widely used to promote philanthropy. This mere commercialization of charity through media can taint the true meaning of charitable act. However, regardless of a few drawbacks, studies are showing that celanthropy indeed yields positive outcomes—it promotes donations and positive attitude toward charities. Therefore, celanthropy has been widely accepted by non-governmental organizations, and will likely remain a mainstay of international and domestic philanthropy for the foreseeable future.

 

Transforming a Desolate Marketplace through Art

By Jung-Min Shin

An “alternative exhibition space” is an unconventional venue that publicly displays artwork – it could be a warehouse, a store front, or in the case of the STONE&WATER exhibitions, a nearly abandoned marketplace. It represents a rebellion against the stereotype that art belongs to white cubicle-shaped galleries, transforming places which are typically unrelated to art into a platform for vibrant creativity and cultural engagement.

While “alternative spaces” have been popular in the United States since the 1970s, they have only gained attention in South Korea during the last decade or so. Initially, these venues were sought out by young South Korean artists who lacked the resources and reputation to display their work at well-established galleries. Recently, however, they have been used as a tool to breathe life back into bleak, deserted spaces, such as the Seoksu Marketplace in Anyang, South Korea.

Seoksu Market was established in 1979 as part of a government initiative to encourage development and economic activity in less populated parts of Anyang. It began as a wholesale produce market that consisted of 120 stores, but it downsized after failing to attract enough customers due to competition with corporate retailers and supermarkets. By 2000, only 30 stores remained in the market, and a strong odor of desolation pervaded the place.

Interestingly, however, things began to change at Seoksu Market with the entrance of a non-profit arts organization directed by Park Chan-eung in 2002. Park, an established South Korean artist who grew up in Anyang himself, recruited his colleagues and younger artists to join him in the transforming the abandoned commerce spot. Calling themselves “STONE&WATER,” the literal meaning of the market’s name, this motivated group of artists aimed to increase public access to art and discover creativity in the ordinary and mundane. To do so, STONE&WATER began by taking up several store spaces and changing them to showcase and work spaces. Its very first exhibition was the “Living Furniture & Public Furniture” show, in which the organization redesigned the interior of a store to a home-like setting that displayed a conglomeration of everyday objects made by artists, such as spoons, bookshelves, and clothes hangers. Since this initiative, STONE&WATER has hosted major public exhibitions on an annual basis, naming the series the “Seoksu Art Project (SAP).” Most recently, SAP focused on the theme of the “Black Market,” in which artists acted as vendors for their own works in a flea market setting.

Besides the SAP, STONE&WATER holds art workshops and educational programs for the local community and facilitates an international artist residency program on a routinely basis. It runs a year-round meeting and workshop space called “Babgeuleut” (rice bowl in Korean), the main avenue through which artists and locals interact with each other. Here, the arts organization invites experts in the arts and humanities fields to hold lectures, operates a mini radio station where locals can run their own broadcasts, and offers various conveniences to nearby merchants, such as electric massagers. As for the residency program, STONE&WATER hosts artists from all over the world to live in Anyang and utilize its exhibition and work spaces, offering them opportunities to partake in the SAP. Artists from various countries, such as Germany, Bangladesh, and New Zealand, as well as diverse fields, like performance art, photography, and craft, have participated in the program.

While initially skeptical of the successfulness and profitability of STONE&WATER’s projects, the Anyang local community is not only the biggest audience for the organization’s endeavors but also its firm supporters today. The activities of STONE&WATER over the last dozen-years have allowed the market to gather increasingly more visitors and media attention, reviving its sense of presence in the city. Slowly but steadily, Seoksu Market has become one of the most unique alternative art spaces in South Korea, and it offers great possibilities for creative developments in the future as well.

Notably, this genuine and powerful renewal of the Seoksu Market would not have been possible if not for STONE&WATER’s long-term dedication to the area. Unlike “guerilla artists,” who exhibit their work on a pop-up basis, moving from one space to the next, STONE&WATER has invested in a single community for over a decade to inspire true transformation. The organization presents art that befits and blends in with the place it inhabits, instead of constructing a temporary show that would soon be forgotten. Given its success so far in attracting both visitors and artists,

STONE&WATER’s more sustainable, long-term goal driven approach seems fruitful. Perhaps, then, more arts organizations should follow in its footsteps in exploring the artistic potential of the most unusual, neglected places, an approach that truly embodies the rebellion against the conventional definition of exhibition venues.

The Iran Deal’s Implication For Israel and Netanyahu’s Response

By Derek Brody

On July 14th, President Obama, along with a number of other countries, reached a historic settlement regarding Iran’s nuclear capabilities. This complex and intricate agreement has been met with considerable backlash in the United States, especially from the Republican members of Congress. It was able to pass on September 10th, without the need for President Obama to use his veto power on any limitations put forth by Congressional opponents of the deal.

One staunch opponent of the deal, however, is neither American nor a member of the Republican Party: Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu. Netanyahu has labeled this deal a “historic mistake.” The Prime Minister went on to say that the deal will grant Iran, and the terrorist regime in Teheran that runs it, hundreds of billions of dollars to “fuel Iran’s terrorism worldwide,” its aggression in the region, and increase “Iran’s efforts to destroy Israel, which are ongoing.”

It is a somewhat understandable viewpoint, since few countries face the constant, complex security threats that Israel faces. Almost from the date of its inception, Israel has been under siege from enemies in the countries immediately surrounding it, and this fear caused by uninterrupted danger is inherent in Netanyahu’s remarks. Many Middle Eastern countries also have systematic and institutionalized opposition to Israel’s very existence Moreover, Israel faces an uphill climb in the United Nations, where states with far more perverse human rights violations continue to challenge Israel’s human rights records..  With these points in mind, it is still pertinent to assess Netanyahu’s condemnation of the deal as not only reckless, but also uninformed.

While Netanyahu’s address to Congress did no more than to label it “a bad deal, a very bad deal” and to say that the only way to rectify the situation is with a “better deal.” Instead of providing any concrete examples, the Israeli Prime Minister has railed against this peace accord aimlessly, challenging the United States, Israel’s biggest and strongest ally, to do better. President Obama was right in his response to Netanyahu’s speech, pointing out there was “nothing new” said by the Prime Minister.  Netanyahu spoke out of anger and fear, rather than rational thought, demanding a solution without offering any concrete help. His comments reflect that, as he did little to actually rectify the situation, choosing instead to recklessly criticize President Obama’s actions in his meeting with the joint session of Congress without any possible ways to resolve the conflict.

Despite Netanyahu’s stance, the Iran deal in its entirety is neither good or bad for Israel. The deal is a substantial diplomatic achievement in its own right, potentially limiting the nuclear power of an unstable state for the next 15 years; the mere fact that this was solved by diplomacy, rather than by force, is an accomplishment in and of itself. There are also negatives to this agreement: the possibility that Iran will renege on the accord, the problems that may arise with inspections of facilities, and the difficulties that may come with reinstating sanctions. But Israel, and Mr. Netanyahu specifically, must put trust in the United States to be able to combat an Iranian breach of contract swiftly and effectively. If not, they risk losing their most powerful ally, leaving them in imminent danger in the Middle East.

Instead, the Israeli Prime Minister is jumping on domestic fear in order to castigate the Obama administration, an administration that has had a complex, yet overall positive, relationship with the state of Israel. This illustrates the larger issue in these negotiations: the frosty and unhealthy relationship between these two world leaders. Both have legitimate gripes, to be sure. Mr. Netanyahu has said that President Obama has not acted with Israel’s best interests in mind with many of the United States’ actions in the Middle East, especially when the President went to Cairo in June 2009 and spoke out in support of a “Palestinian aspiration for dignity, opportunity, and a state of their own.” The American President has countered with the fact that the United States has provided extensive military aid to Israel, as well as blocking Palestinian efforts to be recognized by the United Nations. Ultimately, however, it is Bibi, as the President likes to call him, who has truly ignited the flame of this incendiary relationship. On numerous occasions, Netanyahu has spoken out against the President’s actions, preferring to loudly voice his concerns rather than find the common ground.

        When Mr. Obama refused to follow through on his threat of airstrikes on Syria after the use of chemical weapons, Mr. Netanyahu responded with outrage, fearing for Israel’s safety and security. Susan E. Rice, the President’s National Security Advisor, reported that Mr. Netanyahu did everything but “use the n-word” to describe Mr. Obama. What Mr. Netanyahu failed to realize, however, was that the President was striking a deal to remove those weapons entirely, as well as a deal to remove Iran’s ability to create a nuclear weapon. Instead of providing concrete assistance toward peace in the Middle East, the Israeli Prime Minister has instead acted out of anger and frustration, choosing to personally attack the President, rather than providing real and helpful assistance.

        Despite major differences of opinion between these two men and their respective countries, it would be in the best interest of both parties to find common ground, to rekindle the strong relationship that the United States and Israel have had in the past. If they do so, America can continue to act with Israel’s interests when negotiating for peace with other countries in the Middle East. This will only be possible if Mr. Netanyahu begins to think before he speaks, rather than hastily criticizing the actions of John Kerry and the Obama administration.

How to wipe the tears from the attacks of Daesh (ISIS)

By Adithya Sivakumar

The Sinai.

Beirut.

Paris.

        The world watched in horror this past week as these places, usually abuzz with tourist activity, went into a state of shock and horror due to terror attacks. On October 31st, a Russian passenger plane exploded mid-air, killing all 224 on board, with intelligence strongly suggesting the responsible party is the Islamic State of the Levant (Daesh or ISIL), or one of its affiliates in the Sinai Peninsula. This Thursday, at least forty-three people were killed and more than 200 were injured in suicide bombing attacks, also claimed by Daesh, in Southern Beirut. A day after the events in Beirut, initial reports suggest that more than 100 people were killed and 350 were injured in a coordinated attack on various targets in Paris, and yet again, Daesh declared it was responsible. Many now question why these attacks were perpetrated, and how affected nations and their allies should respond.

        Although the crash in the Sinai Peninsula has not been confirmed as a definite terrorist attack, Daesh’s affiliate in the Sinai has claimed responsibility, and various intelligence sources seem to confirm that claim. There certainly could be a linkage between the air disaster and Russian involvement in the Syrian Civil War. Russian airstrikes against Daesh only started a month ago, and they have certainly made Russia a prime target for attacks, demonstrated by a recent Daesh propaganda film directly references Russia in plans for a future attack. Essentially, the reasons for the attack on the Russian jet would be to hurt Russian morale and prove that Daesh’s reach extends far beyond Iraq and Syria.  

        The bombing in Beirut came in an area where violence, unfortunately, has happened before, as al-Qaeda conducted several attacks there in 2014. This area of Southern Beirut has a predominantly Shia Muslim population; it is also a stronghold of Hezbollah, an organization with significant power in Lebanon. Hezbollah is a primary player in the Syrian Civil War, being a solid supporter of the Assad regime, and Daesh is one of the groups fighting against Hezbollah (and Assad).  Additionally, Daesh is a group with a clear sectarian goal in mind, as it wants to establish a Sunni Islamic State. In the past, Daesh has exploited the Sunni-Shia divide in many ways, especially in Iraq. Therefore, the attack in Beirut on Thursday could be an attempt to inflame sectarian tensions in a country where the Muslim population is nearly evenly split on Sunni-Shia lines. It could also be a warning to Hezbollah on not to fight Daesh in the Syrian Civil War, as further involvement would bring further attacks by Daesh and thus weaken Hezbollah’s morale. Most likely, it’s both.

        For Paris, the attacks on Friday come just nine months after another period of terror in the city. In January, twenty people were killed in a series of attacks carried out by members of al-Qaeda’s affiliate in the Arabian Peninsula, as revenge for cartoons published by the satirical magazine Charlie Hebdo for its depictions of the Prophet Muhammad. Details on Friday’s attacks are scarce, especially as the situation is still unfolding and rather chaotic.  Two facts, however, are quite clear: the death toll is above 120, and the attacks are the deadliest in France’s history since World War II. This time, Daesh has claimed responsibility, but the main question for the world is why France? Why again? The message from Daesh that claimed responsibility points to France’s involvement in the U.S.-led anti-Daesh coalition in Iraq and Syria. This indicates that the group attacked for very similar reasons as in Beirut and the Sinai: to weaken French morale and demonstrate their far reach into the global sphere.

        As these nations reel from these attacks, many wonder as to what is the next step in fighting Daesh. Even as airstrikes and offensives against the group are heightened, the organization always seems to strike terror into each nation it attacks, provoking more fear and chaos. French President Francois Hollande said in response to the attacks that his nation will go after the perpetrators with full vigor, while other world leaders, including those from the United States, Germany, Iran, and the United Kingdom, expressed solidarity with the French people and condemned the attacks. Similar responses from these countries were given in terms of the attacks on Beirut and the Sinai. With this high degree of solidarity, it is highly likely that all anti-Daesh coalitions will be ramping up airstrikes and other attacks on the organization.

        One of the most important responses may be to not fall for Daesh’s efforts to create fear and divide populations. Just after the attacks on Charlie Hebdo’s offices in January, far-right parties, such as The National Front in France, assailed Islam and its supposed incompatibility with democracy, demagoguery that came in conjunction with attacks on mosques and other institutions in France. If xenophobia, Islamophobia, and/or sectarianism take hold in these nations, there is a prime possibility that populations may be divided even more, causing Daesh to once again exploit the resulting splits for its own benefit, as it did in Iraq by tapping into oppressed Sunni populations.  An effective response would be stop associating Daesh’s actions, as well as any extremist group’s actions, with the tenets of Islam, any kind of Islam, and its followers. These groups do not represent the ideals of the religion, but rather serve to heighten tensions between people and exploit power. To begin the process of disassociation, it is imperative to not refer to the supposed Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant as ISIS or ISIL, but rather Daesh, an acronym that roughly means “bigots who impose their views on others.” Denying the group legitimacy in terms of adherence to Islam not only weakens their authority, but also serves as a step in minimizing xenophobic sentiments and allowing nations to harness their populations to exterminating these extremist threats. As the affected nations mourn their fallen, the world must band together and remember the atrocities in the Sinai, Beirut, and Paris, not only to mourn, but also to take action, making a cohesive effort to defeat the menace that is Daesh.

Why Westerners Join ISIS

By Daria Berstell

        As the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) remains in the press for their barbaric and violent methods, Westerners continue to leave their lives behind in favor of joining the jihadist group. The US State Department estimates that over 12,000 foreigners have traveled to Syria to join ISIS, including about 100 Americans. ISIS has attracted more Westerners than any other similar type of militant group due to their effective recruitment strategies. The vast majority do not have any prior military or fighting experience; ISIS is their first foray into military or jihadist life.

        ISIS uses the internet and social media to prey on young people, usually between the ages of 18 and 29. Social media platforms such as Facebook, Twitter, or Whatsapp are used by current ISIS militants to reach out to individuals who show interest in their cause by writing blog (or other social media) posts. These platforms make it possible for recruiters and their targets to communicate informally and quickly, even in real time with instant messaging. This method of reaching out to those who might join their cause is effective because it is a very personal approach.

        Additionally, social media is useful in helping recruit people to ISIS, due to its efficiency in disseminating the propaganda the group creates. They use slick movie-style trailers to interest people with high quality depictions of “fun violence,” much like in action movies or video games. However, some extreme cases have turned potential members off. It is clear that those making the propaganda pay attention to its reception, since videos often stop short of showing the end result. For example, execution videos often end before showing the moment of death.

Additional effective adaptations include the rapid development of videos. Social media’s efficient circulation of them means these images remain in the news feeds of people who have liked relevant pages or are friends with supporters or members. These people are more likely to be influenced by this media as they have already expressed interest in ISIS and related organizations.

        The journey from average western teenager or young adult to ISIS member is a slow one for recruits; understandably so, since it involves radicalizing them to the point where they wish to move across the world to become militants. For some, the journey to ISIS begins with conversion to Islam. Others, however, come from Muslim homes. Despite growing up Muslim, most of these Muslim westerners were members of moderate households. Parents and other family members were appalled at their relative’s choice to join ISIS. In interviews about their children joining ISIS, many parents commented on their child’s drastic change in personality and hobbies before leaving home. As a result of embracing conservative Islamic teachings, many of these new jihadists also rejected music and pop culture, as well as old friends.

        In addition to catering to their newfound values and beliefs, for many of the young people sucked into jihad, ISIS seems like an adventure. ISIS promises excitement, and for its recruits the opportunity to do something meaningful. For those who have turned to conservative Islam, ISIS provides a way to embrace and practice their religion in a “utopian” environment, for ISIS is in many ways is like a utopian political project. For these conservative foreigners, living in Syria and fighting alongside ISIS is portrayed as the ultimate way to practice their faith. The promise of martyrdom, or favor in the afterlife also tempts radicalized young Muslims.

        Furthermore, ISIS promises its recruits some more tangible perks, such as houses with running water and electricity, that are free of rent because of their service to ISIS. Additionally, ISIS implies that they will provide a community filled with like minded individuals.  For many of the young people who feel like outsiders in their homes in the West, promises of fulfilling their religious obligations, finding a path to a better afterlife, and being a part of a community are very strong motivators.

        New recruits not only increases ISIS’ numbers, but helps future recruitment, as those who have left western countries for ISIS are in a good position to recruit others from home. They speak the language of those they will recruit, and they have intimate knowledge of the culture. In addition, they can target specific people. Friends from home, or friends of friends who they know to be sympathetic or easy to sway, provide even more fodder for recruitment. As a result of the wide-array of people involved, ISIS recruitment is very decentralized. The use of social media and the ever expanding number of recruiters leads to a very large web of people that are very good at providing personal attention to those that express interest in ISIS. The lack of centralization makes it much harder for those trying to combat ISIS’ recruitment, like the U.S. government. The many middlemen involved in the process make it self-sustaining and quite capable of surviving many attacks.

        As a result of these effective measures, the United States struggles to prevent U.S. citizens from joining ISIS. A six-month review by the House Homeland Security Committee has shown that the U.S. does not have the infrastructure in place to prevent citizens from joining jihadist groups due to the lack of strategy for dealing with the threat of social media. In addition, the lack of strong security measures overseas makes it very easy for people to travel to join ISIS; this also increases the overall threat and possibility of extremists travelling or returning to the U.S. and committing acts of terrorism. Unfortunately, ISIS has proven formidable in its capacity to bring in young adults from a variety of western countries and as of yet there seems to be very little capable of stemming the tide.